SHOWROOM MOBIL TERBAIK DR TAHUN KE TAHUN
Kamis, 13 Mei 2010
Rabu, 01 April 2009
INDONESIA ELECTIONS 2009 with "contreng" mark.
INDONESIA ELECTIONS 2009
Legislative elections for the 128 seats of the Regional Representatives Council and 560 seats of the People's Representative Council will be held in Indonesia on 9 April 2009.The Forum of Indonesian Rector is to involve 3,000 volunteers in supervising the legislative elections.
The legislative elections may not run simultaneously across the country on April 9, after the General Elections Commission (KPU) opened up the possibility of some regencies postponing the balloting day. The supervising will include overseeing the voting process in order to help calculations at local voting station.
The twelve provinces include Yogyakarta, Central Java, East Java, West Nusa Tenggara, Maluku, Central Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, East Kalimantan, West Kalimantan, Lampung, Jambi and Naggroe Aceh Darussalam.
The volunteers will work together with local electoral oversight bodies.
“The volunteers are recruited from 12 provinces throughout Indonesia and the process is still going on,” the forum chair, Edy Suandi Hamid, told Tempo yesterday (31/3).The twelve provinces include Yogyakarta, Central Java, East Java, West Nusa Tenggara, Maluku, Central Sulawesi, South Sulawesi, East Kalimantan, West Kalimantan, Lampung, Jambi and Naggroe Aceh Darussalam.
In a plenary meeting Sunday, the KPU decided to let regional polls bodies (KPUD) have the final say concerning election rescheduling.
The meeting was held in response to mounting calls for a poll delay in certain regencies in Catholic-majority East Nusa Tenggara province.
“According to the election law, the KPU can’t delay the elections,” KPU member Syamsulbhari told The Jakarta Post.
“Therefore we give the authority to the regional polls body to decide on the matter.”
Article 148 of the law stipulates that the elections be held simultaneously across the country.
It also says the KPU is responsible for setting the date and time for the polls.
The KPU previously maintained the elections would run simultaneously, despite the calls for delays in some regions for religious reasons and the hampered distribution of polling material.
East Flores and Lembata regencies have demanded the polls be postponed to April 13, saying the original date would disrupt the solemnity of the Holy Week ritual that peaks with Easter on April 12.
Voting day will coincide with Maundy Thursday.
On the campaign trail in the East Nusa Tenggara capital Kupang on Sunday, Vice President Jusuf Kalla said he supported the election delay if it helped boost voter turnout.
“In principle, I understand and agree to the delay of the elections in the two regencies,” said the Golkar Party chairman, after meeting with Kupang Archbishop Petrus Turang.
Petrus said Maundy Thursday could not be separated from the Holy Week festival, known as Samana Santa.
“April 9 falls on Maundy Thursday, when Catholics go to church to remember the last supper of Jesus Christ,” he said.
On Maundy Thursday, the local community performs a traditional ritual in which people cease all activities for the day. Some families go as far as to ensure no fire or smoke comes from their kitchens.
Easter is the most sacred event in the Roman Catholic calendar, its piety outweighing the joviality of Christmas.
The East Nusa Tenggara KPUD has repeatedly asked the KPU for a delay, warning of voter turnout of as low as 10 percent.
The provincial administration has sent interfaith leaders to Jakarta to lobby the KPU to postpone the elections in the region.
Poll watchdog Jerry Sumampaw warned the elections delay should be made simultaneously in all 10 regencies that make up the East Nusa Tenggara-1 electoral district.Female legislative candidates from various political parties have vowed to fill 10 percent of Bali provincial and regional legislative seats at the next election.
The meeting was held in response to mounting calls for a poll delay in certain regencies in Catholic-majority East Nusa Tenggara province.
“According to the election law, the KPU can’t delay the elections,” KPU member Syamsulbhari told The Jakarta Post.
“Therefore we give the authority to the regional polls body to decide on the matter.”
Article 148 of the law stipulates that the elections be held simultaneously across the country.
It also says the KPU is responsible for setting the date and time for the polls.
The KPU previously maintained the elections would run simultaneously, despite the calls for delays in some regions for religious reasons and the hampered distribution of polling material.
East Flores and Lembata regencies have demanded the polls be postponed to April 13, saying the original date would disrupt the solemnity of the Holy Week ritual that peaks with Easter on April 12.
Voting day will coincide with Maundy Thursday.
On the campaign trail in the East Nusa Tenggara capital Kupang on Sunday, Vice President Jusuf Kalla said he supported the election delay if it helped boost voter turnout.
“In principle, I understand and agree to the delay of the elections in the two regencies,” said the Golkar Party chairman, after meeting with Kupang Archbishop Petrus Turang.
Petrus said Maundy Thursday could not be separated from the Holy Week festival, known as Samana Santa.
“April 9 falls on Maundy Thursday, when Catholics go to church to remember the last supper of Jesus Christ,” he said.
On Maundy Thursday, the local community performs a traditional ritual in which people cease all activities for the day. Some families go as far as to ensure no fire or smoke comes from their kitchens.
Easter is the most sacred event in the Roman Catholic calendar, its piety outweighing the joviality of Christmas.
The East Nusa Tenggara KPUD has repeatedly asked the KPU for a delay, warning of voter turnout of as low as 10 percent.
The provincial administration has sent interfaith leaders to Jakarta to lobby the KPU to postpone the elections in the region.
Poll watchdog Jerry Sumampaw warned the elections delay should be made simultaneously in all 10 regencies that make up the East Nusa Tenggara-1 electoral district.Female legislative candidates from various political parties have vowed to fill 10 percent of Bali provincial and regional legislative seats at the next election.
Speaking at a recent debate, organized jointly by Denpasar chapter of the Independence Journalist Alliance, SIGI Indonesia and International Republican Institute, a woman activist Riniti Rahayu said that the legislative bodies are still male-dominated domains.
Rahayu from Bali Sruti, said that the result from the 2004 election was so discouraging.
Women candidates only filled 18 or 4.5 percent out of the total 385 legislative seats.
"Women's coalition currently feel very optimistic to achieve between 10 and 14 percent of legislative seats during this year's election," Rahayu said.
She said that most of women candidates were quite shock and amazed with the Constitutional Court's ruling which dropped the 30 percent requirements of women in legislative bodies.
In so many ways, women candidates were lagged behind their male counterparts.
Citing an example, in terms of campaign funding, access to media and public and more importantly access to their constituents and the public in general.
According to a study conducted by Bali Sruti, a woman candidate mostly spends only between Rp 20 million and Rp 50 million for the campaign activities.
Utami Suryadi, a candidate from the Democratic Party said the majority of female candidates focus on issues like social welfares, children, health, education, workers's rights showing that they are more social-conscious.
Meanwhile, Dewa Ayu Sri Wigunati, a candidate from the Golkar Party, confirmed that women's involvement in the political stage is not a "gift."
Women, she said, have to work extra hard to set their feet on the political arena.
Putu Wirata Dwikora from Bali Corruption Watch reminded women candidates to set up concrete programs for the community.
"If they (women candidates) are not elected, they have to continue working for the people outside the parliament," he said.
Other candidate A.A. Putri Astrid Kartika has called on voters to support them.
"Voters should not hesitate to vote for women," she said.
In the immediate future, citizens of Indonesia will engage in two direct elections, one to choose members of parliament and to elect the country's president and vice president.
With more than 170 million eligible voters spread over approximately 17,000 islands, it will easily be one of the largest direct elections in the world.
But what do these elections look like through an economic lens?
Economists usually rest their analysis on the "rational choice theory," which says that individuals will always try to maximize benefit and minimize cost.
Within this framework, a voter will turn out on election day and cast a vote only if they perceive there to be a greater benefit than costs in doing so.
The perceived benefits of voting include the possibility that a person's vote will make a difference in the outcome of the election and that satisfaction will come from fulfilling ones civic duty.
The perceived costs of turning out to vote have mostly to do with logistics (getting to the polls, taking the time off work) and the time it takes to research the details of each party or candidates policy platform.
However, simple logic shows that in an election with 170 million eligible voters, one person's vote has almost no chance of deciding the outcome. A single vote can only impact an election when there is a tie, which has essentially zero chance of happening in a nation-wide election. For this reason, a rational voter should not come to the polls on the election day, since the expected benefits of voting will be outweighed by the costs.
In the case of Indonesia's legislative elections, the cost of voting is magnified by the fact that one ballot may have hundreds of candidates from 38 different political parties to choose from.
The cost of informing oneself about each of these candidates and political parties can be very high. It involves spending a great deal of time following their track records, listening to their campaign speeches and comparing their political platforms.
Confronted with such huge costs, voters may decide to stay away from the polls or even from politics at all, a phenomenon identified by economists as "rational ignorance". Such behavior occurs when the cost of educating oneself on an issue exceeds the potential benefit that the knowledge would provide.
The conclusion that a rational voter should not vote leads us to what economists call the "voter's paradox". An individual voter gains more by not voting, but if everyone declined to vote it would spell disaster for society.
This theory is an extension of the well-studied "prisoner's dilemma" but is much more complex and much more common in the real world. Such a situation would be when everyone would be better off if everyone contributed (cooperates), but a particular individual would always be better off not contributing (defecting).
One final issue appealing to an economist regards the economic benefits of voting. Can the system of voting and elections provide better welfare for the society? Is democracy good for the economy?
The economist Robert Barro of Harvard University has tried to answer this question by analyzing panel data from about 100 countries between 1960 and 1990. He found that the overall relation between economic growth and democracy is statistically weak. There is a nonlinear relation - an inverted U-shape - in which growth rises initially with democracy, reaches a peak, and then declines subsequently with further rises in democracy.
Drawing from his study, he offered two lessons. The first is that more democracy is not the key to economic growth, although it may have a weak positive effect for countries that start with few political rights. The second is that political freedoms tend to erode over time if they are out of line with a country's standard of living.
In his inauguration speech as a professor at Gadjah Mada University, Boediono outlined a concept which says that there is a certain income threshold level (around US$ 6600 measured by per capita PPP GDP) below which a democracy in a country is more likely to be short-lived. With an average income level of US$ 4000, Indonesia is not yet in "safe position" to exercise democracy.
The process of democracy in Indonesia is bound to be challenging and risky to the economy.
Rahayu from Bali Sruti, said that the result from the 2004 election was so discouraging.
Women candidates only filled 18 or 4.5 percent out of the total 385 legislative seats.
"Women's coalition currently feel very optimistic to achieve between 10 and 14 percent of legislative seats during this year's election," Rahayu said.
She said that most of women candidates were quite shock and amazed with the Constitutional Court's ruling which dropped the 30 percent requirements of women in legislative bodies.
In so many ways, women candidates were lagged behind their male counterparts.
Citing an example, in terms of campaign funding, access to media and public and more importantly access to their constituents and the public in general.
According to a study conducted by Bali Sruti, a woman candidate mostly spends only between Rp 20 million and Rp 50 million for the campaign activities.
Utami Suryadi, a candidate from the Democratic Party said the majority of female candidates focus on issues like social welfares, children, health, education, workers's rights showing that they are more social-conscious.
Meanwhile, Dewa Ayu Sri Wigunati, a candidate from the Golkar Party, confirmed that women's involvement in the political stage is not a "gift."
Women, she said, have to work extra hard to set their feet on the political arena.
Putu Wirata Dwikora from Bali Corruption Watch reminded women candidates to set up concrete programs for the community.
"If they (women candidates) are not elected, they have to continue working for the people outside the parliament," he said.
Other candidate A.A. Putri Astrid Kartika has called on voters to support them.
"Voters should not hesitate to vote for women," she said.
In the immediate future, citizens of Indonesia will engage in two direct elections, one to choose members of parliament and to elect the country's president and vice president.
With more than 170 million eligible voters spread over approximately 17,000 islands, it will easily be one of the largest direct elections in the world.
But what do these elections look like through an economic lens?
Economists usually rest their analysis on the "rational choice theory," which says that individuals will always try to maximize benefit and minimize cost.
Within this framework, a voter will turn out on election day and cast a vote only if they perceive there to be a greater benefit than costs in doing so.
The perceived benefits of voting include the possibility that a person's vote will make a difference in the outcome of the election and that satisfaction will come from fulfilling ones civic duty.
The perceived costs of turning out to vote have mostly to do with logistics (getting to the polls, taking the time off work) and the time it takes to research the details of each party or candidates policy platform.
However, simple logic shows that in an election with 170 million eligible voters, one person's vote has almost no chance of deciding the outcome. A single vote can only impact an election when there is a tie, which has essentially zero chance of happening in a nation-wide election. For this reason, a rational voter should not come to the polls on the election day, since the expected benefits of voting will be outweighed by the costs.
In the case of Indonesia's legislative elections, the cost of voting is magnified by the fact that one ballot may have hundreds of candidates from 38 different political parties to choose from.
The cost of informing oneself about each of these candidates and political parties can be very high. It involves spending a great deal of time following their track records, listening to their campaign speeches and comparing their political platforms.
Confronted with such huge costs, voters may decide to stay away from the polls or even from politics at all, a phenomenon identified by economists as "rational ignorance". Such behavior occurs when the cost of educating oneself on an issue exceeds the potential benefit that the knowledge would provide.
The conclusion that a rational voter should not vote leads us to what economists call the "voter's paradox". An individual voter gains more by not voting, but if everyone declined to vote it would spell disaster for society.
This theory is an extension of the well-studied "prisoner's dilemma" but is much more complex and much more common in the real world. Such a situation would be when everyone would be better off if everyone contributed (cooperates), but a particular individual would always be better off not contributing (defecting).
One final issue appealing to an economist regards the economic benefits of voting. Can the system of voting and elections provide better welfare for the society? Is democracy good for the economy?
The economist Robert Barro of Harvard University has tried to answer this question by analyzing panel data from about 100 countries between 1960 and 1990. He found that the overall relation between economic growth and democracy is statistically weak. There is a nonlinear relation - an inverted U-shape - in which growth rises initially with democracy, reaches a peak, and then declines subsequently with further rises in democracy.
Drawing from his study, he offered two lessons. The first is that more democracy is not the key to economic growth, although it may have a weak positive effect for countries that start with few political rights. The second is that political freedoms tend to erode over time if they are out of line with a country's standard of living.
In his inauguration speech as a professor at Gadjah Mada University, Boediono outlined a concept which says that there is a certain income threshold level (around US$ 6600 measured by per capita PPP GDP) below which a democracy in a country is more likely to be short-lived. With an average income level of US$ 4000, Indonesia is not yet in "safe position" to exercise democracy.
The process of democracy in Indonesia is bound to be challenging and risky to the economy.
Kamis, 26 Maret 2009
Save Our Earth !!!
Halo....Ass...
Welcome to my Blog....
Akhir2 ini bumi kita sedang panas2nya nih....kl hujan jg banyak yang banjirr...dmana-mana..
inikaaah global warming??
waaaahhh...bhya dong...lama kelamaan bumi kita bisa punah...
akhir2 ini negeri kita tercinta sedang terkena musibah ..jebolnya tanggul diSitu Gintung mamakan korban jiwa di ntengah2 hingar bingar kampanye politik...
jadi bapak2 dan ibu2 calon wakil rakyat jgn lupa lingkungan kita jg harus masuk kdlm jurnal wajib yg hrs dipelihara..karena menjaga lingkungan jg kewajiban kita semua untuk mengatasi global warming...
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